TEHRAN – In a commentary on Saudi Arabia’s Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman’s visit to the White House, Shagh wrote: Overshadowed by the headlines about the arms deal, one of the most complex and sensitive aspects of the trip was the change in Washington and Riyadh’s joint approach towards the Islamic Republic of Iran.
Prominent analysts believe that President Trump and bin Salman have concluded that the era of direct military conflict and blind economic sanctions is over and a more sophisticated model must take its place. The language used regarding Iran at the joint press conference revealed a tactical and deceptive shift in direction. Unlike 2018, when a maximum pressure strategy aimed at rapid economic collapse, President Trump’s current model is different. Strategic analysts argue that President Trump is trying to combine prudent economic pressure with open diplomatic channels to draw Iran into a protracted process. In this scenario, any future agreement would be designed to force Iran to accept standards inconsistent with its ideological identity and revolutionary structure in order to benefit economically. In the Trump team’s view, opening the door to interactions with Western countries under strict surveillance is precisely the weakness that could activate what they call Iran’s internal contradictions and give rise to a soft collapse project.
Etemad: Saudi Arabia is trying to act as a mediator between Iran and the US
Discussing the contents of Masoud Pezeshkian’s letter to Crown Prince bin Salman and the prospects for a Saudi-mediated Iran-US deal, Etemad interviewed regional affairs analyst Bahman Akbari. He argued that Mr. Pezeshkian’s recent letter to the Saudi crown prince, along with the recent developments in West Asia, indicate that Iran-Saudi relations have entered a new phase of cautious but expanding cooperation. At the same time, Riyadh is working to rebuild its strategic alliance with Washington, positioning itself as a potential intermediary between Tehran and Washington. Iran has prioritized de-escalating tensions with Riyadh, with an emphasis on reducing security costs, fostering religious and humanitarian cooperation, and distancing itself from pressure from the United States and Israel. Iran-Saudi relations are currently at a delicate stage in the balance of power. Riyadh and Washington’s proximity does not necessarily preclude cooperation between Tehran and Riyadh, and Saudi Arabia’s involvement as a mediator in Iran-US negotiations could make a significant agreement possible. What is emerging in West Asia is not a return to the old order, but the formation of a multipolar regional order in which Iran and Saudi Arabia are major players, the United States remains present but not decisive, and China and Russia act as new balancers.
Mr. Fahiktegan: Main purpose of issuing resolution against Iran
In an interview with geopolitical expert Abdulreza Faraj-Rad, Fahiktegan reflected on the objectives behind recent resolutions against Iran. He explained: On Wednesday, the U.S. and European troika submitted a draft resolution to the IAEA Board of Governors, demanding that Tehran provide answers and allow access to its bombed nuclear facilities and enriched uranium stockpiles. Europeans are deeply concerned about the fate of Iran’s 408 kg of enriched uranium. The resolution essentially aims to establish a mechanism that would require Secretary General Rafael Grossi to submit a comprehensive report every three months on Iran’s nuclear activities, the situation on the ground, and in particular its uranium stockpile. Although this resolution appears slightly more benign than the one adopted before the Twelve Days’ War, its central demand is quarterly reporting. If the next report is negative, meaning Iran refuses inspections, and the IAEA does not have information on enrichment levels or the status of the site, a tougher resolution could be taken and the matter referred to the UN Security Council. All of this is subject to negotiation. Once negotiations begin, the process stops. If not, it will likely be referred to the Security Council.
Khorasan: What does bin Salman want from America?
Mr. Khorasan analyzed the purpose of Mr. bin Salman’s visit to the United States. His visit and meeting with President Trump, more than five years later, is a major issue for our region. Bin Salman is pursuing two main goals. His priority is a defense agreement with the United States modeled on NATO. The request for the F-35 fighter also fits into this defense framework. Saudi Arabia’s second objective is economic and development cooperation with the United States. Bin Salman needs to activate external processes to get the country moving. He seeks to import technology through American expertise and political connections. He also aims to expand his role in the region. Our involvement in Lebanon and Syria have been two of our busiest files over the past year. Now, he has asked Iran to act as a mediator with the United States, but Iran has rejected the request. Just as Riyadh has exerted unprecedented pressure on Iran and Lebanon’s Hezbollah, increasing Saudi influence in the region is likely to be damaging to Iran. There is no need for an intermediary when it comes to Iran-US relations. Dialogue is possible only if the United States abandons the idea of disarming Iran.