TEHRAN – As debate escalated after the failed security council failed to expand Iran’s sanctions relief, global attention shifted to a wider geopolitical rift between the Western countries and rising challengers such as China and Russia.
The revitalization of the Snapback mechanism has revived questions about the future of the Joint Comprehensive Action Plan (JCPOA), the reliability of multilateral institutions, and the balance of power in the world increasingly divisive along the lines of ideological.
To shed light on these developments, Tehran Times conducted an exclusive interview with Professor Hongda Fan, director of Shaoxing University’s China-China East Center.
In this conversation, he explores how China’s attitude can reconstruct the security architecture of West Asia, increase Beijing’s reliability as a mediator, and accelerate the global transition to a multi-polar order. He also reflects the importance of a 25-year comprehensive cooperation agreement between China and Iran, the challenges posed by Western sanctions, and the outlook for deeper bilateral cooperation in areas such as energy, infrastructure and technology.
Below is the full interview:
Do you see China’s refusal to snapback as a direct challenge to Washington’s strategy of using sanctions as a tool for foreign policy?
The US was a central factor that prevented the implementation of the JCPOA as planned, but Iran was forced to reduce its contractual obligations because it was unable to obtain guarantees. China’s opposition is based on international law and the fact that the unilateral withdrawal of the US from the JCPOA led to another escalation of Iran’s nuclear crisis.
Does this deepen the ideological disparity between China’s vision for a multipolar world and the Western claim to maintain control through sanctions and military alliances?
Unfortunately, the world is currently experiencing severe divisions. The international order ruled by Western countries faces serious challenges, and China and developing countries need a fairer and more reasonable international order. This is the difference between the two camps around the world.
How do you see China’s position on Iran, shaping the Middle East security architecture?
There is no doubt that Iran is a regional force and has a major impact on the development of the region. In today’s changing regional politics, China hopes that Iran can work with its neighbours to promote greater stability and peace in the region.
Can China’s support for Iran at the UNSC increase Beijing’s credibility as a mediator of regional conflicts?
China’s support for Iran at the UN Security Council is based on international law, fairness and justice. China’s actions are consistent with the universal interests of the international community. I believe that China will gain more trust in countries.
In your view, how does the Iranian incident show the limitations of Western power when facing the united front from China, Russia and non-alliances?
Iran’s lawsuits primarily show that some Western countries are undermining the norms of international relations for their own interests. This is extremely detrimental to the stability and development of the world. Other countries must seek new paths that are consistent with their own interests. The world cannot continue to be ruled by some Western countries.
If Western states continue to weaponize international institutions against sovereign states, what long-term implications do you predict for China-Iran’s relations?
I don’t think this will completely hinder China-Iran’s relations, but I also believe that cooperation between the two countries will face several obstacles. Both countries need to actively explore new paths of cooperation.
Do you think the UNSC vote marks a critical moment in the transition to a larger global order, as a guarantor for China to resist Western rule?
It is clear that the international order is undergoing adjustments. This is jointly determined by the failure of the existing order led by the West and the defense of their own interests by a vast number of developing countries. In this regard, China and many developing countries share the same pursuit.
The 25-year comprehensive cooperation agreement between Iran and China reflects the strategic partnership. Can China’s recent votes at UNSC be seen as a continuation of this path to counter Western hegemony?
China and Iran have a good foundation for cooperation. Otherwise, the 25-year agreement would not have been signed. An ideal bilateral relationship is based on mutual needs rather than against third parties. Bilateral relationships nurtured by third-party factors make it difficult to maintain stability and sustainability.
Could China’s position lead to increased economic cooperation with Iran, particularly in sectors such as energy, infrastructure and technology?
Frankly, it depends on the extent to which both countries avoid UN sanctions and their resolve to develop bilateral relations. Yes, the true level of importance that Tehran and Beijing place in bilateral relations is remarkable.
How does China interpret the legality of the snapback mechanism under UNSC Resolution 2231? Does Beijing think it is in line with the UN Charter?
So far, we have not seen official Chinese denials of the legitimacy of the snapback mechanism under UNSC Resolution 2231. However, China advocates for resolution of conflicts through diplomatic means. Currently, China believes it is unfair and unreasonable to launch a snapback mechanism to unilaterally punish Iran.